Allan Ellender

Allan Ellender

Allan Ellender blev født i Montegut, Louisiana, den 24. september 1890. Efter eksamen fra Tulane University, New Orleans, i 1913 blev han optaget på Louisiana Bar og arbejdede som advokat i Houma.

I 1915 blev Ellender udnævnt til distriktsadvokat i Terrebonne Sogn. Under første verdenskrig tjente som sergent i Artillery Corps, United States Army (1917-18).

Ellender var medlem af Det Demokratiske Parti og tjente i Repræsentanternes Hus i Louisiana (1924-36). Han blev valgt til senatet i 1936.

En stærk modstander af McCarthyism Ellender var en af ​​de første senatorer, der angreb Joseph McCarthys taktik. I senatet fungerede Ellender som formand for Udvalget for Reklamationer og som medlem af Udvalget om Landbrug og Skovbrug.

Ellender forblev i senatet indtil sin død på Beshesda Naval Hospital, Maryland, den 27. juli 1972.

Da Ralph Flanders fra Vermont angreb McCarthy, var senatet lige så stille som det var nogle uger tidligere, da Ellender fra Louisiana lavede et ensomt angreb, og Fulbright i Arkansas afgav den eneste stemme imod hans bevilling. Kun Lehman fra New York og John Sherman Cooper (R.) fra Kentucky steg for at lykønske Flandern. Ingen forsvarede McCarthy, men ingen sluttede sig til de nyttige indskydninger, der normalt markerer en senatstale. Da den demokratiske forsamling mødtes i lukket session, blev Stevenson -talen ignoreret. Lyndon Johnson fra Texas, den demokratiske gulvleder, er bange for McCarthys Texas -bagmænd.


Senator Allen Ellender fra Louisiana: En biografi

Allen J. Ellender, født i 1890 på en sukkerplantage i Terrebonne Parish, Louisiana, steg til at blive en af ​​de mest dominerende mænd i det amerikanske senat. Denne biografi, baseret på langvarig undersøgelse af de omfangsrige Ellender -papirer og omfattende forskning i andre primære og sekundære kilder, herunder interviews med mennesker, der kendte Ellender i forskellige faser af hans lange karriere, yder et vigtigt bidrag til vores forståelse af Louisiana og national politik under meget af dette århundrede.

Ellender begyndte livet i en gårdsfamilie og mistede aldrig sine nære bånd til det landlige Louisiana. Alligevel søgte han en karriere som advokat og fungerede som byadvokat og distriktsadvokat, inden han blev valgt til statslovgiver i Louisiana i 1924. Oprindeligt var en modstander af Huey Long, Ellender konverteret til Longisme, efter at Huey blev valgt til guvernør i 1928. Men fordi han nægtede at godkende tvivlsomme olieleasingpraksis på statslande, blev han omgået som Longs politiske politiske arving i trediverne. Han blev i stedet valgt til det amerikanske senat, hvor han tjente indtil sin død i 1972.

I Senator Allen Ellender fra Louisiana, Thomas A. Becnel sporer metodisk denne kontradiktoriske politikers forlængede karriere - en mand der, selv om den i det væsentlige var en konservativ, var overraskende liberal på mange områder. Han støttede progressiv lovgivning på områder som uddannelse, almene boliger, censur og adskillelse af kirke og stat. Han var også en af ​​de første senatorer, der kritiserede sin kollega Joseph McCarthy. Alligevel forblev han i hele sin karriere en fast fortaler for raceadskillelse.

Under Ellenders lange embedsperiode i Senatet, hvor han tjente under præsidenter Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson og Nixon gennem den store depression, anden verdenskrig, den kolde krig, McCarthyism, den koreanske konflikt, borgerrettighedsbevægelsen , og Vietnamkrigen, var han intimt involveret i beslutninger og debatter, der har præget landets nylige historie. Becnel placerer skarpt Ellender i sammenhæng med sin tids historie og hans stats sociale, økonomiske og politiske miljø. Resultatet er et omhyggeligt, afbalanceret portræt af en af ​​de mest indflydelsesrige lovgivere i dette århundrede.


Hvad staten i det amerikanske syd for et halvt århundrede siden afslørede om hele landets fremtid

I 1950'erne og lsquo60'erne, New York-baserede publikationer som TIME, Newsweek eller Harper & rsquos regelmæssigt afsat særlige spørgsmål eller særlige sektioner af regelmæssige numre til Syd. Alle fokuserede på en eller anden måde på at vurdere regionens og rsquos fremskridt med at overvinde hindringerne for racisme, fattigdom og uddannelsesmæssig tilbagestående, der fortsat adskilte den fra resten af ​​landet og betød i virkeligheden de nordlige stater, som længe havde tjent som udførelsesformen af amerikanske idealer om dyd, oplysning og velstand.

Dette var ingen tilfældig praksis. Trods alt befandt Amerika sig i en borgerrettighedsbevægelse, hvis primære formål på det tidspunkt var at vælte det institutionaliserede Jim Crow -system, der stadig adskilte Syd. I midten af ​​1960'erne vaklede der imidlertid allerede kræfter, der snart ville ødelægge opfattelsen af ​​et sydligt monopol på racisme og skabe alvorlig tvivl om formodningen om overlegen nordlig dyd. Men ubevidst kunne redaktørerne og rsquo -sydlig fokus i 1960'erne også have tjent et andet formål, for i bagspejlet tilbød udviklingen derefter et glimt ind i en fremtid præget af dramatiske og uforudsete ændringer, ikke kun for Syden, men for nationen som en hel.

I erkendelse af, at Civil Rights Act fra 1964, vedtog og hurtigt blev undertegnet i lov den 2. juli, markerede et virkelig & ldquohistorisk vendepunkt i forholdet mellem racerne i USA, og rdquo dedikerede TIME's redaktører en del af 17. juli 1964, udgave til vurdering af den sydlige reaktion på loven i løbet af den første uge, hvor den var i kraft. Selvom det var ti år siden Højesteret erklærede det de jure adskillelse i folkeskolerne forfatningsstridig, færre end hver tiende sorte elev i de stater, hvor dobbeltskolesystemer angiveligt var blevet forbudt, deltog faktisk i racemæssigt integrerede skoler. Nu, med sit omfattende forbud mod racediskrimination på offentlige indkvarteringssteder som f.eks. Restauranter og hoteller, lovede borgerrettighedsloven mere integration natten over, end domstolen og rsquos -dekretet havde opnået på et årti.

På trods af advarsler om, at en sådan obligatorisk føderal handling kan udløse en & ldquorace -krig og rdquo i Syd, til klar lettelse for TIME & rsquos -redaktører, så det ikke ud til, at dette var i en uge. På tværs af syd blev sorte og hvide set spise og overnatte sammen uden hændelser i adskillelseskadeller som Birmingham, Memphis og Jackson, og i Greenville, SC sad en ung sort mand i samme spisestue som senator J. Strom Thurmond, cheffilibusterer mod borgerrettighedsloven.

Det var ikke rigtigt smukt, for at være sikker i Bessemer, Ala., Blev seks sorte frokost-diskkunder slået med baseballflagermus af hvide. Endnu mere ildevarslende, i det nordlige Georgien i landdistrikterne, dræbte et haglgevær fra en forbipasserende bil sort pædagog og Army Reserve officer Lemuel Penn. Alligevel mente TIME & rsquos -redaktører, at & ldquothe South & rsquos første overholdelse af den nye borgerrettighedslovgivning var af enhver standard opmuntrende. & Rdquo Denne bevogtede optimisme dukkede også op i et ledsagende stykke i dette nummer, der hyldede segregationist Louisiana Senator Allen Ellender & rsquos, der advarede om, at enhver yderligere sydlig modstand mod borgerrettighedsloven skal respektere den ordnede proces, der er etableret ved lov, og som en erklæring om forbløffende rimelighed, og grund til at håbe, at fremtidig modstand i det mindste kan forfølges af juridiske snarere end ekstralegale midler.

Den generelt fredelige hvide tilslutning til borgerrettighedsloven foreslog, at selvom sydlændinge og rsquo -følelser om deres sorte naboer var uigennemtrængelige for lovgivning, var deres åbenlyse opførsel ikke. Sorte sydlænders parathed til at træde frem for at teste den faktiske levedygtighed af den nye statut var også opmuntrende, men næppe mere end deres mod og beslutsomhed i reaktionen på Freedom Summer -vælgerregistreringsindsatsen, der derefter var i gang.

Forsiden af ​​dette nummer af TIME bar en skitse af William Faulkner, og dens omslagshistorie fordybede sig i Faulkners forfattere til en dybere analyse af de traditioner, følelser og psykologiske faktorer, der på én gang var roden til raceproblemet i syd og nøglen til dens løsning. Når det drejede sig om at forbedre forholdet mellem de sydlige racer, ville Faulkner ved første øjekast virke som en usandsynlig kilde til opmuntring Faktisk havde han været blandt dem, der advarede om potentielt blodsudgydelse, hvis den føderale regering flyttede for brat til at adskille adskillelse og hans mørke og vilde fremstillinger af hvidt racehad i romaner som Lys i august næppe inspireret til optimisme. Alligevel tilbød hans fiktion også karakterer som Isaac McCaslin i Gå ned, Moses, der blev slået af skyld og desperat kæmpede for at finde det personlige mod til at afvise de hvide sydlige racistiske ritualer og dogme. I denne henseende investerede Faulkner også stort håb i en yngre generation af hvide sydboere som Chick Mallison i Indbrud i støvet, der tidligt havde udviklet en sund skepsis over for sådanne usunde fremgangsmåder. Faulkner så, at Sydens ultimative raceredning ikke kom fra juridisk tvang, men fra ændringer i tankegangen i regionens hvide, men mens han var overrasket, kunne han også have forstået, at deres generelle tilpasning til borgerrettighedsloven fra 1964 var kl. mindst grund til at håbe, at den forandring i hjertet, som han havde arbejdet så hårdt på at få til ende, endelig kunne være i gang.


ALLEN J.ELLENDER AF LOUISIANA DØ

Senator Allen J. Ellender ofte Louisiana, formand for Ap propriations Committee og præsident pro tempore for Senatet, døde i aftes af et hjerteanfald på Bethesda Naval Hospital i Maryland. Han var 81 år gammel.

Louisiana -demokraten, der kom ud af Huey Long -maskinen i 1930'erne for at blive tredje i rækken for at lykkes for formandskabet, blev ramt, da han vendte tilbage fra sin hjemstat, hvor han havde optrådt til sin syvende periode i Senatet .

En medhjælper sagde, at senatoren - som havde tjent i senatet 35 år, længere end noget andet nuværende medlem - havde klaget over mavesmerter, mens han fløj tilbage fra Louisiana. Efter ankomsten til Washington blev han taget til Bethesda. hvor han døde af hjertestop kl. 19:15

Præsident Nixon udsendte en erklæring, der udtrykte sorg: ”Senator Ellender var en god ven, en fin senator og en fantastisk amerikaner. I løbet af sine 35 års tjeneste i senatet satte han et dybt aftryk på dette århundredes lovgivningsmæssige historie, og han viste sig at være en repræsentant ikke kun for Louisiana, men også for nationen, fast besluttet på at gøre, hvad han mente var rigtigt Amerika."

Gov. Edwin W. Edwards fra Louisiana sagde, at han sandsynligvis ville udpege en midlertidig efterfølger til at tjene indtil efter valget i november.

Så sagde guvernøren, at han vil udpege vinderen af ​​dette valg til at udfylde senator Ellen der 's uudløbne periode, som skal slutte næste 3. januar. Således ville den nye senator have et par ugers anciennitetsfordel i forhold til andre nyuddannede valgt i november .

Udnævnte efter valget forventes at blive den tidligere statssenator J. Bennett John ston, den eneste store modstander af senator Ellender i dette års demokratiske primærvalg, der afholdes 19. august.

Manden, der efterfølger senator Ellender, vil indtage sædet for en pebret, udtalt Dixie -demokrat, der blandede den sydlige konservatisme med nogle liberale holdninger, der ofte kom som en overraskelse for senatorer, der generelt er kendt som liberale.

Med hensyn til borgerrettigheder stemte senator Ellender f.eks. Ned med linjen mod sydblokken mod desegregeringsforslag og hans udtalelser, der tvivlede på sorte evner - i USA og Afrika vakte uenigheder.

Men om udenrigspolitiske spørgsmål i de senere år blev senator Ellender på den anden side fortaler for tættere forbindelser til Sovjetunionen og kritiker af forsvarsudgifter.

Senator George McGovern fra South Dakota, den demokratiske præsidentkandidat, husker historien om, hvordan han og senator for en dag for få år siden. Ellender var i Senatets motionscenter for en massage, og lovgiveren i Louisiana lænede sig over fra sit bord og sagde:

"George, når jeg dør, vil jeg have, at du tager min mission med at overbevise senatet og landet om, at russerne ikke er ude efter at ødelægge os, og at vi bør søge bedre relationer til Sovjetunionen."

Senator Ellender var kendt for sine rejser til udlandet, og mens hans liberale kolleger satte pris på hans indtryk af Sovjetunionen, kneb de tænder med vrede og frustration over de indtryk, senatoren bragte tilbage fra Afrika.

I 1962, mens han besøgte Salis begrave i det sydlige Rhodesia, sagde han, at han tvivlede på, at afrikanere havde evnen til at styre dem selv. Resultatet var, at Uganda og Tanganyika fortalte ham, at han ikke var velkommen i disse lande, og Kennedy Ad -tjenesten var mere end lidt ked af det.

I 1957, efter endnu en 28 -nationers rejse til udlandet, udsendte senator El långiver en af ​​de lange rapporter om sine junkets, som han var khown for. I denne rapport angreb han hele begrebet udenlandsk bistand og hævdede, at stor økonomisk bistand havde været "en afgrundsvold" overalt, hvor den var prøvet.

En tidligere formand for Senat Landbrugsudvalg, senator Ellender - en velhavende mand, der selv lykkedes som potato -landmand - søgte generelt at sikre, at sydlige landbrugsinteresser var godt beskyttet.

Hr. Ellender efterfulgte afdøde Richard B. Russell fra Georgien som præsident for senatet i begyndelsen af ​​sidste år. I denne position var han tredje i rækken af ​​formandskabet, efter vicepræsidenten og talen i Repræsentanternes Hus.

Dette var langt fra Louisana -bugten, hvor Ellender blev født i landsbyen Montegut den 24. september 1890.

Efter eksamen fra St. Aloysius College i New Or leans og fik en jur.eksamen fra Tulane University, begyndte han sin offentlige karriere i sine tidlige 20 ''er som byadvokat i Houma. Han blev medlem af Statens Repræsentanternes Hus i 1924 og husets gulvleder fire år senere under administrationen af ​​Gov. Huey P. Long.

Han blev en central del af den lange maskine og en nær allieret med dens berømte leder og var formand for statshuset, da Long derefter en amerikansk senator blev myrdet i 1935.

Den diminutive hr. Ellender opstod som efterfølgeren til Mr. Long, og vandt valget til det amerikanske senat i 1936 og genvalg hvert sjette år efter det.

Senator Ellender giftede sig med den tidligere Helen Calhoun Donnelly i 1917, og de havde en søn, Allen Joseph Jr., en kirurg i Houma Senatorens hustru døde i 1949.

Mr. Ellender, hvis bidende ord i heten af ​​den politiske kamp blev matchet af en seriøs sydlig charme i mere afslappede omgivelser, var almindeligt kendt i Washington som kok af sådanne bemærkede Louisiana -retter som rejer jambalaya.

Blandt dem, der prøvede sit kreolske køkken ved hans gumbo -fester, var tidligere præsident Lyndon B. Johnson og fru Richard M. Nixon.


International politik vedrørende Rusland

Udskrifter fra et mundtligt historieinterview med Allen J. Ellender den 29. august 1967 afholdt på John F. Kennedy -biblioteket afslørede, at han talte længe med John Fitzgerald Kennedy om en venligere udenrigspolitisk tilgang til Rusland. [2]

"Hver tur, jeg foretog efter han blev præsident, hvorfor blev jeg opfordret til at tage dertil og diskutere sager med ham, især da jeg besøgte mit sidste besøg i Rusland. Jeg tilbragte ret meget tid med præsidenten i forskellige perioder og diskuterede Rusland en del med ham, og jeg er glad for at kunne sige, at vi så øje til øje på mange problemer, som nationen stod over for dengang i forhold til Rusland.Præsidents Kennedys forgængere mente, at den bedste måde at håndtere Rusland var at bygge denne stålring omkring dem og forsøge at isolere dem. Ingen anstrengelser blev gjort for at få amerikanerne til at kende folkene i Rusland og omvendt. Det følte jeg i stedet for at bruge milliarder af dollars på at bygge hære og bygge bygninger overalt i Ruslands periferi, hvis vi brugte lidt penge på udvekslingsprogrammer med russerne, så flere russere kunne komme her og besøge os, og at flere amerikanere kunne tage til Rusland, ville vi nok gøre det bedre. Det fortalte jeg ham i min egen vurdering var det spild af tid at diskutere sager med ledelsen i Rusland, men at det måske ikke var en dårlig idé at tale med dem og få deres tanker. Men den bedste tilgang ville være, at vi fik et realistisk udvekslingsprogram, hvorved mange russere ville komme hertil for at besøge og se, hvad vi har og mere eller mindre gøre dem misundelige på vores livsstil for at indpode dem i, at selvom vi indrømmer, at de under kommunismen måske får mere nu, end de gjorde under tsarerne, var der alligevel en mulighed for, at de fik mere, hvis de kunne følge vores livsstil, eller noget af det, frem for at være under kommunismen, hvor de ikke kunne ikke eje, hvor alt var regering og alt det der. Jeg sagde, hvis vi foretog den tilgang…. Og jeg er glad for at sige, at præsidenten var meget imponeret over de synspunkter, jeg gav udtryk for, så meget, at jeg tog med mig den rapport, jeg lavede på min tur, jeg tror, ​​det var i '61 i Rusland. "

"Nu, i forbindelse med alt dette fortalte jeg ham dette. Jeg sagde .... Jeg plejede at kalde ham Jack, du ved, jeg var næsten gammel nok til at være hans bedstefar. Jeg fortalte ham, jeg sagde:" Du ved, det ville ikke Det er ikke en dårlig idé, at du taler med disse ledere, især Khrusjtjov [Nikita Sergejevitsj Khrusjtjov]. Jeg har talt med Khrusjtjov i over fire timer en gang i Kreml. Da jeg først gik til at tale med den mand, troede jeg, at han bare var en almindelig klovn, klovn, og at der ikke var noget for ham. Men efter at have talt med ham i fem minutter, fandt jeg hurtigt ud af, at han var en diamant i groft, og jeg fandt hurtigt ud af, at han er en af ​​de få ledere i Rusland, der reagerede på folkets vilje. Jeg tror, ​​han ville være en god mand for dig at kontakte. "Senere gjorde han netop det. Han mødte ham i Wien, og jeg talte med ham senere, og han sagde, at han var enig med mig om manden, at han var støjende og det og det, men at han inderst inde troede, at Khrusjtjov ikke var så slem som Stalin [Joseph Stalin] - jeg mener Khrusjtjovs forgængere - og at han var tilgængelig, og at han forsøgte at reagere på folkets vilje . Og som jeg påpegede i min rapport fra 1961, fandt jeg store ændringer i Rusland i forhold til, hvad jeg så i 1955, da jeg første gang tog dertil. Der var en decideret ændring i, at folk på lokalt niveau fik mere autoritet. Jeg gik der først, alt blev instrueret fra Moskva. Som jeg husker, var der tres bureauer der håndterede hele produktionen og distributionen af ​​alt, hvad der blev produceret og distribueret i Rusland. Jeg fortalte ham om de ændringer, der fandt sted, og at hvad vores land burde gøre var at tilskynde til det frem for at afskrække i t. Jeg fortalte ham om denne historie, at vi i vores udvekslingsprogram brugte alt fra femogfyrre til op til tres millioner dollars om året for at forsøge at få et udvekslingsprogram mellem os og de forskellige lande i verden. Jeg sagde til min overraskelse, og jeg navngav det særlige år, jeg kan ikke huske det særlige år, det var, men jeg tror, ​​det var i '61 eller '62, ja, da vi afsatte næsten halvtreds millioner dollars og kun fire hundrede og syvogtyve tusinde blev brugt med lande bag jerntæppet. Jeg sagde: "Vi mangler båden. Jeg mener, at flere af disse penge skal bruges, så russerne kunne stifte bekendtskab med, hvad vi har, og at amerikanerne kunne stifte bekendtskab med, hvad russerne har og gør." Han var enig med mig, ikke at han var i stand til at ændre det for meget, men han gik i den retning. Jeg tror virkelig og sandt, at hvis han havde levet, ville der have været lagt vægt på en mere realistisk udveksling med det russiske folk for at forsøge at ændre dem i stedet for deres ledere direkte. Med andre ord var min idé, at hvis vi kunne indskærpe i det russiske folks sind, at der var en bedre livsstil, end de nu nyder, kunne de til gengæld få deres ledere til at gøre det. Kan du se pointen? Og det var han enig i, tænkte jeg.

Interviewer: I dine samtaler med ham om Rusland havde du fra det, jeg samler om dig selv, kontakter med andre mennesker end Khrusjtjov. Du havde et bekendtskab med en række russiske ledere. ELLENDER: Hele Politbureauet dengang. Interviewer: Hvor vidende var Kennedy om disse andre personligheder? Vidste han meget om dem? Interviewer: Nej, ikke personligt, undtagen hvad han læste. Mine kontakter var personlige, kan du ikke se. Jeg talte med Malenkov [George M. Malenkov], til alle de mennesker derude. Faktisk Kaganovich [Lazar M. Kaganovich], en af ​​lederne i Politbureauet dengang og Mikoyan [Anastas I. Mikoyan] og alle disse mennesker - jeg diskuterede alt dette med ham. Og han var meget imponeret, kan jeg sige. Jeg er som sagt sikker på, at han læste mine synspunkter om de tre ture, jeg foretog i Rusland, fordi jeg stillede dem til rådighed for ham. Så vidt jeg husker, stillede jeg endda en af ​​de rapporter, som jeg ikke havde udskrevet, til rådighed for ham i denne rapport var der for mange fortrolige og hemmelige ting, som jeg ikke fandt passende til at få den offentliggjort. Jeg føler, jeg kan være fordomsfuld, når jeg siger dette, men jeg føler, at den afdøde formand var meget imponeret over de konklusioner, jeg nåede til i mange af disse programmer. Jeg tror, ​​at hvis jeg havde været i stand til at være tættere på ham og tale med ham, ville han ikke være blevet overtaget af mange af disse andre mennesker, der havde det anderledes end det, jeg gjorde, for det er det, der sker i dag med min gode ven, Lyndon Johnson. Jeg tror, ​​han er overtaget af militæret, og han lytter mere til dem, end han lytter til nogen andre, og han er så dybt involveret nu i South VietNam, at der ikke er nogen måde at komme ud. Selvfølgelig ville jeg være den sidste mand på jorden til at råde ham til at trække sig, fordi vi er for dybt involverede nu, og vi har givet så mange løfter, at vi ikke kan frigøre os selv på en hæderlig måde.


Før hans senatperiode tjente han fra 1924 til 1936 som medlem af Louisiana Repræsentanternes Hus fra Terrebonne Parish. Han var husets taler fra 1932 til 1936.

Efter mordet på senator Huey Pierce Long blev hans kone Rose McConnell Long udnævnt til sædet for at udfylde den ledige stilling. Hun nægtede at stille op for en fuld periode, og Ellender vandt valget i 1936 for at efterfølge hende. [2] [3]

I USAs senat var han kendt for sin støtte til skolesegregation ved underskrivelsen i 1956 af det sydlige manifest. [4] Ellender, en New Dealer [5] var en af ​​kun tyve demokrater, der stemte imod at dræbe Roosevelts domstolsemballage fra 1937. [6] Ellender var også fortaler for gårdstilskud og skolefrokostprogrammet, og han modsatte sig undersøgelserne af kommunistisk infiltration af den amerikanske regering foretaget før 1954 af sin kollega Joseph McCarthy og stemte for censurering af Wisconsin -republikaneren. [7] Selvom Ellender senere modsatte sig Vietnamkrigen, stemte han for Tonkin -bugten -resolutionen fra 1964. [8] Under sin senatperiode var han formand for Landbrugsudvalget og derefter Bevillingsudvalget. Selvom han blev betragtet som en relativt mere konservativ demokrat i sammenligning med sine partifæller, havde han nogle liberale holdninger, såsom at støttende støtte sociale programmer, som præsident Lyndon B. Johnson kæmpede for. [9] [10] Ellender blev endvidere betragtet som en "progressiv", når det kom til censur, uddannelse, almene boliger og adskillelse af kirke og stat. [11]

Ellender modsatte sig anti-lynchingsforanstaltninger og stemte to gange sammen med flertallet af senatsdemokraterne for at dræbe sådanne rytterændringer i slutningen af ​​juni 1937. [12] [13]

Efter valget i Senatet i Mississippi i 1946, hvor segregationistisk demagoge Theodore Bilbo skræmte og truede sorte, hvoraf de fleste derefter ikke var vælgere, flyttede senatrepublikanerne, der lige fik et flertal i valgcyklussen, til at forhindre ham i at blive siddende. [14] Oprindeligt var et senatudvalg med fem medlemmer bestående af et 3–2 demokratisk flertal, der blev ledet af Ellender, på vej til Missisippi for at undersøge. [15] På trods af vidnesbyrd fra sorte, der blev truet og ondskabsfuldt angrebet af Jim Crow hvide supremacister, forsvarede Ellender den racistiske vælgerundertrykkelse ved at argumentere for, at de var forårsaget af "tradition og skik" frem for Bilbos tilskyndelse til vold, som komiteen stemte langs partilinjer til klar Bilbo, de to republikanere, Bourke Hickenlooper og Styles Bridges, var uenige i dommen. [15] Det nye republikanske flertal i den 80. kongres stod imidlertid i afslag på at få plads til Bilbo. Ellenders Louisiana senatoriske kollega John H. Overton forsøgte at manøvrere omkring dette ved at indføre resolutioner, der tillod Mississippi-demagogen at sidde, mens undersøgelserne fortsatte, da det ville tage et flertal på to tredjedele at fjerne ham fra kongressen. [15] Begge blev stillet af toparts flertal. [16] [17] Mississippis segregationistiske guvernør Fielding L. Wright meddelte derefter, at hvis senatet nægtede at sætte Bilbo, ville han kalde sidstnævnte som erstatning. [15] I sidste ende vendte Bilbo, der lider af kræft i munden efter årtier med tilskyndelse til vold og promovering af bigotry, aldrig tilbage til Senatet på grund af dårligt helbred og døde i august 1947. Ellender roste Mississippi -demagogenes arv efter voldelige opfordringer som at have "død en martyr til sydlige traditioner. " [15]

I 1948, da andre sydlige demokrater gik til Dixiecrat -præsidentkampagnen i Strom Thurmond, forblev Ellender loyal over for Harry S. Truman. Selvom Thurmond var den officielle demokratiske kandidat i Louisiana, blev Trumans navn også tilføjet til stemmesedlen ved en særlig session i statslovgiver.

I 1960 undersøgte Ellender omkring 80 procent af de stemmesedler, der blev afgivet ved folketingsvalget mod republikaneren George Reese fra New Orleans. [18] I 1966 overvældede han to demokrater, Joseph Davis "J. D." DeBlieu (1912–2005), til venstre og Troyce Guice, fra højre. [19]

Ellender tjente i kongressens overhus fra 1937 til sin død i sommeren 1972. [20] På det tidspunkt kæmpede han for endnu en periode i Senatet. Ellender blev efterfulgt af midlertidig senator Elaine Edwards, den første hustru til daværende guvernør Edwin Edwards. Hans faste efterfølger var hans primære primære rival i 1972, tidligere statssenator J. Bennett Johnston, Jr., fra Shreveport, der havde det amerikanske senatsæde indtil hans pensionering i januar 1997. Johnston havde også været Edwin Edwards 'rival for Demokraterne i 1971 guvernørnominering.

I løbet af sine to sidste embedsår var Ellender dekan for det amerikanske senat. Hans langsigtede senatoriske kollega var kollega Louisiana-demokraten Russell Long, den ældre søn af Huey Long.


Ellender var distriktsadvokat for Houma fra 1913 til 1915 og derefter distriktsadvokat for Terrebonne Sogn fra 1915 til 1916. Under første verdenskrig tjente han som sergent i US Army Artillery Corps fra 1917 til 1918.

Ellender deltog i 1921 som delegeret til Louisianas forfatningskonference. Forfatningen, der blev vedtaget der af udvalget, blev derefter trukket tilbage i 1974, to år efter Ellenders død. I 1924 blev han stedfortræder i Louisiana Repræsentanternes Hus stemte og havde dette embede indtil 1936. I løbet af denne tid var han fra 1928 til 1932 fraktionsledere og derefter fra 1932 til 1936 Husets formand, da han blev valgt til det amerikanske senat.

Han tog det sæde, der havde været indeholdt af Long indtil da og var egentlig tiltænkt den demokratiske kandidat Oscar K. Allen fra Winnfield. Allen døde efter at have vundet den demokratiske nominering med et flertal på 200.000 stemmer. Hans død banede vejen for Ellenders valg.

Under sin embedsperiode i det amerikanske senat fungerede Ellender som formand for Senatets landbrugsudvalg fra 1951 til 1953 og fra 1955 til 1971. I løbet af den tid var han en stærk fortaler for statens sukkerrørshold. Desuden underskrev han, som næsten alle senatorer fra sydstaterne, det såkaldte "Sydlige Manifest" i 1956, der fordømte en retsafgørelse med hensyn til racemæssig lighed. Fra 1971 til sin død var han også formand for Senatets Bevillingsudvalg. Men han havde også kontoret som præsident pro tempore i senatet i 1971 og 1972.

Ellender talte sammen med den liberale republikaner Ralph Flanders i Vermont imod McCarthyism og angreb efterforskningsmetoderne til kommunisme, der blev brugt af den republikanske senator Joseph McCarthy fra Wisconsin.


Interview med Allen Ellender, 30. april 1971

Delvis udskrift: Det er den 30. april 1971.

Nøgleord: Civilrettigheder Senat Bevillingsudvalg Senator Thomas Connally Sydlige Kaukasus Underudvalg om Landbrug Underudvalg om forsvarskonservationisme forfatningsmæssige rettigheder filibuster parlamentarisk lov statsrettigheder

Delvis udskrift: Senator Ellender, det var en meget god åbningserklæring fra din side.

Nøgleord: Borgerrettigheds senator Alden Barkley Senator Theodore Bilbo Senator Thomas Connally Sydlige Kaukasus Sydblok meningsmåling skatter staters rettigheder vælger kvalifikationer

Delvis udskrift: Det var en stor bedrift, senator.

Nøgleord: Borgerlige rettigheder John McClellan John Stennis Lister Hill Senatopkald Southern Caucus Sydblok cloture filibuster teams quorum

Delvis udskrift: Otteogtredive år er lang tid for enhver at blive i senatet, som senator Russell gjorde.

Nøgleord: Civil Rights Act fra 1964 Senator Milton Young Sydblok Højesteret USA's forfatning filibuster parlamentariske procedurer staters rettigheder stemmeret

Delvis udskrift: Senator, jeg ved, at dine aktiviteter har taget dig rundt i verden syv gange med fly, og du har besøgt alle lande undtagen Albanien.

Nøgleord: Afrika Ebos Fulanis George Marshall Marshall Plan Nigeria 2. Verdenskrig Anden Verdenskrig Anden Verdenskrig udenrigshjælp

Delvis udskrift: Senator Ellender, du taler om Afrika og de sorte evner minder mig om noget, og jeg ved, at vi har meget begrænset tid.

Nøgleord: Kolonialisme Imperialisme Liberia Senator George Aiken Sydblok

Delvis udskrift: Senator, jeg ved, der er mange spørgsmål, jeg kunne stille dig.

Nøgleord: Bevillinger Bill Formand pro tempore i Senatet Senat Bevillingsudvalg

Richard B. Russell, Jr. Oral History Project

Senator Allen Ellender interviewet af Hugh Cates

CATES: Det er den 30. april 1971. Dette er Hugh Cates, og jeg er på kontoret for USA's senator Allen J. Ellender fra Louisiana. Senator Ellender er demokrat. Senator Ellender er præsidentens tempore i senatet efter at have efterfulgt afdøde senator Richard Brevard Russell. Han er også formand for bevillingsudvalget efter at have efterfulgt afdøde senator Russell.

Jeg er her med det formål at tale med senator Ellender om hans personlige erindringer og omgang gennem årene med senator Russell. Senator Ellender, vil du bare huske alt, hvad du tænker på til at begynde med om din forbindelse til senator Russell?

ELLENDER: Well, I wish to say that Dick Russell was here when I took my oath of office on January 3, 1937. As a matter of fact, he preceded me to the Senate by 00:01:00about four years. Our relationship was very close from there until his death. We served on the Appropriations Committee for quite some time, although that committee is very unglamorous, and we don't have we didn't have too many meetings of the committee. I had quite a close contact with Dick Russell in our fight to retain constitutional rights in the South. The late Senator (Thomas Terry) Connally from Texas was the chairman of our delegation -that is, the Southern caucus, I may say when I came here, and after his death the caucus 00:02:00elected Senator Russell by unanimous consent. Senator Russell was a great leader he was a he had no peer when it came to parliamentary law, he knew it well he was a great historian and a man with a good memory. I remember many instances in which we fought the civil rights battles together, and I remember an incident several years ago when he prevented me from attaining the longest speech on filibuster record. See, I held the (Senate) floor I had the floor for 00:03:00about fourteen hours without stopping and Dick, our general, came to me and said to me, said, "Allen," he said, "we have concluded an agreement with the leadership on the pending question." And he said, "I would suggest that you stop talking." And I didn't like the command of our general, but after talking another fifteen minutes, he returned to me, and like a good soldier, I obeyed the command of my general. But in any event, I held the floor for over fourteen hours and he was very much elated at that. My chief contacts with Dick Russell, 00:04:00of course, were in respect to civil rights, and we studied the problem together we studied methods of how best to cope with the situation, and he was always on top of the subject. Now, during my tenure here, I discussed various phases of our civil rights program, particularly the historical phase of it, and we compared notes and at times I was successful in producing some evidence on the subject that he didn't have, and because of that, I believe, we became very 00:05:00close in the matter and consulted each other frequently. I must say that Senator Russell was a gentleman in every respect, that he was, I presume, in fact I know, one of the most highly thought of senators who ever sat in the Senate. Whenever he talked everybody listened he didn't talk very long or very frequently, but whenever he spoke, he spoke on the subject and he stuck to the subject something that's very rare at times in the Senate particularly during a filibuster. Now, I was proud of the fact that when Senator Russell was sworn in 00:06:00as President pro tempore of the Senate and then became chairman of the committee of Appropriations because of his illness he was unable to attend to all of his duties, and I thought it a privilege to sit in his stead at many hearings that were conducted on the Appropriations Committee. Now, as I recall, Senator Russell created history on the Appropriations Committee in that he came as one of the youngest senators. It is my recollection that he was a member of that 00:07:00committee from the time he came to Washington, which is very unusual, and no man in the Senate ever sat longer on the Appropriations Committee than Senator Russell. That, of course, is the shall we say proper committee of the Senate, one of the most powerful, one that entails more work on any senator, and Senator Russell, of course, was a very able member of the committee not only as its chairman, but as chairman of the subcommittee on defense as well as the chairman of the subcommittee on agriculture. Senator Russell was deeply interested in 00:08:00agriculture, and in that connection, I when I first came here, I was indeed proud and glad and privileged to join him to cosponsor the school lunch bill which is now the law. That bill was enacted back in 1946, as I recall, and Senator Russell was, of course, a member of the agriculture committee for some time, but not at the time that we enacted the school lunch bill. He took an active part in providing the necessary funds for the development of agriculture. 00:09:00He was a great conservationist and he believed, as I did, that the two most important resources that any country has is land and water, and he and I worked as handmaidens in seeing to it that sufficient funds were provided by the Congress for the development of our land and water resources. Now, I could be more specific, but if you have any particular areas in which you would like to discuss, I should be glad to answer such questions as you may propound.

CATES: Senator Ellender that was a very good opening statement on your part. I would like to get back to the area of the filibuster you gave a very good 00:10:00example there when the General came to you twice and suggested that you might quit your particular speech which was nearing a record. Do you have any other such stories that you could relate about the many filibusters which you were joined together in that would maybe give a little clearer insight into the man Richard Russell?

ELLENDER: Well, I participated in all of the filibusters that took place from the time I came in the Senate. My first defense was in the early part of 1938 I can well remember at the time that Senator Connally from Texas was our leader. 00:11:00Now, Connally was a very good man, but I think that Russell made us a much better leader in that he took interest in it. He was knowledgeable, and he assigned to us certain chores which, of course, we followed. Now, Senator Russell was very much interested in the subject, as I was, and I'll never forget my first try at filibustering. Tom Connally was, as I said, the chairman, when I first came here, of our Southern caucus or delegation and when we had our first 00:12:00meeting, Connally went around and asked John Bankhead, "How long can you talk?" John said, "Oh, I guess I can talk two hours." "How about you Kenneth McKellar?" "Oh," he said, "I could talk maybe an hour and a half to two and a half hours." Then Dick Russell, "As long as I can." Then he went to Senator (Walter F.) George, and Senator George gave his limit to which he could go on talking, and then the late Theodore Bilbo from Mississippi and when he came to me and asked me how long I could talk, I told him, I said, "I don't know." But I said, "You 00:13:00let the big guns shoot off and let the popgun call come behind and call me last, and I can assure you that I'll talk as long as I can." Well, to make a long story short: In January and February of 1938, when I took the floor, with the able assistance of Senator Russell giving me all sorts of information that he had on the subject, we were talking about poll tax. It was his view as well as mine, as well as all Southerners that the matter of poll tax was a state issue, that the states had the right under the Constitution to define the rights of voters, give their qualifications, and that it was a matter close to us it was close to the colonies, close to all the states, because at that time it was 00:14:00never intended that the Congress should have any right in establishing the qualifications of voters and that is (was) a burning issue at the time. When I assumed the floor I don't know that I could say that I'm proud of it, but I spoke for six successive days from four and a half to ten hours a day in all I spoke about sixty two hours on the same subject, by the way and again at the end of the sixth day, I was asked by Senator Connally who was then our general, if I would give way to Theodore Bilbo. He couldn't hold down Bilbo Bilbo wanted 00:15:00to talk he had a lot of his constituents from Mississippi in the gallery, and I'd held the floor for these six successive days, and Connally said he thought I had talked enough and I should give way to somebody else. Well, I told him, I said, "Tom," I said, "I told you that I didn't know how long I could talk, but I talked for six days so far" of course, there were interruptions between. We talked I was able to obtain the floor from day to day by unanimous consent. Alben Barkley was then the floor leader in the Senate, and I was willing to go on all night if necessary, but Alben decided that it might be best for us to recess at a reasonable time, after anywheres from ten to twelve hours of session in the Senate. I was encouraged by Dick and others to keep on talking, and 00:16:00that's one record that I established, and nobody has ever exceeded up till now. Except for the fact that I got encouragement from a man like Dick Russell and others, chances are that I would not have established that record, but I was proud to do it and Dick, of course, assisted in this, in my efforts, and I was very proud of the fact that I was able, as a neophyte, which is the second year in which I was in the Congress, to hold the Senate floor so long.

CATES: That was quite an accomplishment, Senator. Senator, I understand that when Senator Russell was the leader of the filibuster he divided the senators up 00:17:00into teams and he instructed them to call roll call votes at the most inopportune time. Do you recall any stories along this line?

ELLENDER: Oh, yes. Well, well, I happened to be captain of one of those teams, and we, of course, discussed strategy behind closed doors with Senator Russell as our leader. As a matter of fact, although each team was supposed to retain the floor during twenty four hours, I think that the team, the members of the team got more rest than the members of the Senate, because we made it possible 00:18:00to have the Senate to meet, let's say, at noon, and someone would get up and talk for as many as six or seven or eight hours and then call a roll call. Then we had someone sit for another, talk for another three hours and when we got in the wee hours of the morning, we were able to get much rest because many of our colleagues went home expecting no roll calls, no quorum calls, and sometimes it required as many as three hours to get a sufficient number of senators to come to answer to the roll call. The strategy was to call, have these roll calls when 00:19:00our colleagues who were in opposition to us were very anxious to sleep. By conducting the filibuster in that manner, it wasn't long that the leadership decided not to have night sessions, and of course, that in a way injured to our benefit. All of these tactics were worked out by a general who was Russell and his captains we were four teams: Lister Hill was captain of one (John Cornelius) Stennis was another I was one and off and on, (John Little) McClellan was and others. We had two -we had four very potent teams there that 00:20:00had a membership on each team of the captain and four or five senators, and of course, we helped each other, and it was a very effective way of carrying on the filibuster so much so that we were able to wear out our opponents even though they didn't have to talk. They became very weary and, of course, succumbed to our request that it was bad for their health for them to have to get up in the wee hours of the morning to come to listen to us. We had it so arranged that, for instance, with my team, nobody knew where any member of our team was except 00:21:00the captain, and when a quorum call was asked by one of the opponents, we saw to it that none of our members were there to make up the quorum call, and sometimes it lengthened the quorum. At one time, I think, we had to actually not one time, but many times had to adjourn without being able to complete the quorum, and that meant quite a lot of time in our favor. We had a magnificent opportunity to rest, whereas our oppressors were busy trying to find out who, 00:22:00where the opponents were so as to come in and make up a quorum. But the strategy that we employed was very effective and we soon got on top of the question, and I feel confident that we could have kept this pace up except for the fact that in 1954 the Supreme Court, instead of passing on the merits of an existing law, actually made law, and it took the problem away from us. From 1954 and on, we had great opportunities to keep on filibustering, but it was not as effective as 00:23:00it was in the early days when the Southerners were able to conduct these filibusters and prevent action, which in our mind, or it was our feeling, was directly against the Constitution. Now, when I first came to Washington we had from forty to as many as forty six senators that we could depend on, that would stick with us in not voting for cloture, but later on our ranks began to grow thin, particularly after the Supreme Court decision. Out of a membership of ninety six we could hardly muster more than twenty five to twenty six, sometimes 00:24:00twenty eight and then after the Congress increased its membership, or the membership of the Congress increased to a hundred, we were not able to obtain the sufficient one third plus one in order to prevent cloture, and of course, it was a sad day in our history when that happened.

CATES: Senator Ellender, these opposing senators were only human do you know of any animosity that was built up towards the Southern senators and more particular to the leader, Senator Russell, because of these tactics?

ELLENDER: No, indeed, I think on the contrary most of them admired us for our ability to sustain ourselves during all these long hours and for our ability to 00:25:00be able to present to the country most, very historic facts about, on the question. We had some mighty good students in the Senate at the time, and of course, one of the main ones was Senator Russell. I personally did a lot of research that was used on the Senate floor, and Senator Russell was mighty quick in acknowledging the discovery of new matters and on several occasions, I had a mighty good administrative assistant here who was a good student, and he found 00:26:00many points of interest that other senators had not thought of, and we went back in history and the record is replete with fine instances of where we were able to show a lot of hypocrisy among those who opposed us. In any event, all of these various conflicts we had between us in the feuding, South and the North, I don't know of any man who really and truly hated us for it on the contrary, they thought we were right, but they didn't have the courage to vote their 00:27:00convictions, and it is my belief that all of the, all of our colleagues from the North admired all of us, particularly Senator Russell for his able and capable leadership.

CATES: Thirty eight years is a long time for anyone to remain in the Senate as Senator Russell did did you ever see him or hear about him ever losing his temper or his cool, so to speak, in any Senate debate, not just the filibuster, but anything that especially might have been an emotionally charged issue?

ELLENDER: Well, I can't say that he didn't lose his temper on two or three occasions, particularly when in debate when people crossed swords with him and 00:28:00taunted him and just argued that he didn't know too much what he was talking about, but I never saw Senator Russell really mad at anybody. He got ruffled up sometimes at the ignorance shown by some of our Northern friends, but he was just as cool as a cucumber at all times, and he kept his head, and that's what made him so effective in debate with our opponents. On parliamentary issues he was always right nobody dared to say, Well, Dick, you're wrong. He knew what he 00:29:00was talking about at all times, but of course, that in itself caused many of our colleagues to have faith in him and he had quite a following, not only among the Democrats, but many of the Republicans loved him because of his tenacity and his ability. As a matter of fact, one of the senators there, Senator (Milton Ruben) Young from North Dakota made many statements on the floor that he thought Dick Russell should be President of the United States and that insofar as he was concerned, whether they defeated him or not in North Dakota, he would support him if he'd ever run for president, or was nominated. But Dick, of course, was a 00:30:00great man, and I think he would have made an excellent president, but we from the South knew all the way that a Southerner had little chance of getting the nomination from the Democratic party because, I believe, of our attitude against the blacks. Now, I'm glad that Dick Russell lived to see that the South was right in its advocacy of states rights. Today our country's in an awful shape I can well see the difference that now exists between the whites and the blacks it's- they seem to that is, the Negroes seem to hate the South, the whites, but 00:31:00when all is well and done, they always come to us the Southerners as their best friends. (Begin Cassette #203, Side 2) I'm truly sorry and I know that Senator Russell was very sorry about learning that the tragedy that followed after the Supreme Court decision. He knew that the best friends that the blacks had were the Southerners, there was no question about that, and he felt as I did, that if this question had been left to the states where it belonged that the blacks 00:32:00would have doubtless fared better. Today, in many areas the blacks are hated, particularly in the North and we in the South still love them, and we work with them. Among other things, that's one thing that Senator Russell hated to see, and that is, this division among the between the Negroes and the blacks (whites), and all of this was caused more or less through politics. The North, the Northern politician was trying to get the Negro on his side by pretending to 00:33:00help him, but instead, the tragedy of all of this was that the Negroes are the victims of all of this. I feel confident that had this gone on as we intended that the Negro would have gotten his voting rights the same as everybody else I know we did it in Louisiana Dick was conscious of that. But to destroy the Constitution, that is, do things that were contrary to that sacred document was what he tried to preserve, and in order to give liberty to some, there was no doubt in his mind and my mind that it would take it away from others, and it's a 00:34:00great pity it happened, and I feel confident that the relationship between the North and the South, as well as the blacks and the whites, would have been more highly respected had we followed the views of Southerners. I'm sure that Dick Russell tried to preserve our Constitution more than any man in the Senate. He had no animosity against colored people on the contrary, he tried to help them all that he could. He fought valiantly for what he thought was right, and I'm proud of the fact that I was one of his backers.

CATES: Senator Ellender, you mentioned specifically Senator Young I have interviewed Senator Young, and he was telling me that he was almost read out of 00:35:00the party because of his actions there. My question now is this, not so much in connection with anyone supporting him as president, but did Senator Russell actively try to promote this coalition between the southern Democrats and the midwestern and western Republicans? What part did he play in that did he play an active part?

ELLENDER: Well, of course, he felt that our only hope was this coalition of midwesterners, that we could get enough support in that area with the South to cope with the situation, but it soon became apparent that that wasn't in the works, and he lost interest in it as I did when we saw some of the 00:36:00midwesterners just as liberal as the northeasterners. We had good friends at the beginning of our fight, but gradually we lost out as I have previously stated.

CATES: Senator, I know that your activities have taken you around the world seven times by air and you've visited all the countries except Albania was this in connection with your Appropriations Committee activities?

CATES: Did Senator Russell discuss with you, or you with him, these various trips?

ELLENDER: Well, when he was chairman of the committee and on the committee, of course, I had to obtain permission from the leadership to travel around, as I did, and Dick Russell was very much interested in what I did and he urged me to 00:37:00keep on this work, because I felt that any information that I could gather on these world tours were very beneficial to the Appropriations Committee of which he was a ranking member then, and he took a great deal of interest in the work that I did. As you stated, I've made seven complete circles of the world, and my objective was to visit every area in order to determine how our moneys were being spent, particularly in this foreign aid program. Fortunately, Senator Russell and I saw eye to eye in this foreign aid program, and we consistently 00:38:00voted against it after the European recovery. It will be recalled that so called Marshall Plan it was originated back in 1947, when General (George Catlett) Marshall made that famous talk at Harvard. I felt then, as I felt until 1951, that it was a good idea for us to assist countries that agreed to help themselves, but it wasn't long that we found out that what many of our erstwhile friends wanted was assistance without a return of help for themselves.

All of these trips that I made were easily studied, that is my reports, by 00:39:00Senator Russell,

and we had a lot of discussion about them and in the archives of the Capitol here as well as in the, every federally owned or operated library in the country all of them have copies of my fourteen reports that I made on my visits, particularly the one to Africa wherein I pointed up to the fact that I thought that we shouldn't interfere with the Africans until they were capable of conducting themselves properly that is, get proper leadership so as to conduct themselves in their various countries to the point where they could create and 00:40:00establish good government. I don't know of a report that I made that caused more worldwide attention than my report on Africa when I pointed out the situation, and the very predictions that I made in this report- which were agreed to by the late Senator Russell, and he coordinated his efforts with me on it where we pointed up, pointed out to the fact that there was such, there was hardly any leadership in Africa and for them to be left alone without proper leadership would lead to chaos, and that's what happened. Everything that I predicted in this particular report came to pass. For instance, this in Nigeria, I couldn't 00:41:00see the creation there of a situation where all of the inhabitants of Nigeria would consider themselves Nigerians. I said that there were many powerful tribes there the Ebos, the Fulanis, and others that they would try to lead the way and that just the British had tried to, many years, to try and get them together, try to make themselves think as Nigerians, had never succeeded, and we couldn't do that. I don't know of a report I made in which Senator Russell took more interest in, because it proved all that they had been talking about in these filibusters about the capability of the blacks. Of course, in my book, I think that blacks under proper guidance can make good citizens, they can make 00:42:00advancements in government, in science, in agriculture, in every phase of our way of life, but there must be a beginning in it and what we were trying to establish was just that, given the opportunity, as much as I was criticized as well as Senator Russell for taking issue on the black question, yet we felt that all people, whether they are black, white, or yellow, should be given the same opportunities to exhibit their talents, to proceed and make a good living if they had the capability to carry on. I know that that was his views as well as mine it's still my views we never tried to stop or prevent the blacks from 00:43:00engaging in any endeavor in any phase of our economy provided they had the capabilities. We did all we could in order to create an atmosphere wherein they could learn, wherein they could become leaders. If our advice had been followed, I repeat, I'm sure that the relationship between the blacks and the Negro, and the whites would be much, much better than it is now.

CATES: Senator Ellender, you talking about Africa and the capabilities of the blacks reminds me of something and I know we have a very limited time and it's really interesting talking with you, sir and this is Senator Russell's proposal 00:44:00to subsidize sending the blacks to Africa if they wanted to. I'm not sure of the date was that in the late forties or the early fifties? Did he ever comment to you about this?

ELLENDER: Oh, yes. Åh ja. He made that statement more or less to induce, as you said, those who desired to go. He didn't want to force them to go--but if you don't like America as it is, go back to Africa, and we'll pay your way there and develop your country but there were no takers. The blacks in America made wonderful progress compared to their ancestors and that's what made my report on Africa so interesting to Russell and others, because what I found there was the very thing we were talking about. Here was a huge continent that contained at 00:45:00the time as I recall over two hundred and fifty million inhabitants and there was little progress made in Africa except in the northern part where the Carthaginians and the Spaniards and the Romans and the Greeks came, and southern Africa where the Germans came and the Dutch came and developed the country. But insofar as central Africa was concerned, that is the entire torrid zone and parts of the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, where the main body of the blacks lived, it's incredible what I saw there as late as 1962 when I made my trip there. There was no leadership of any kind. They lived then as they lived five 00:46:00hundred years ago, and it is my belief as well as Senator Russell's that those people should be helped so long as the help given was aimed at having them help themselves, but somehow it never took root. It preferred to remain as it was. There was little way, there was little effort made by them to become progressive, become leaders. Whenever, as I pointed out in my report, some of the leaders made good but they were chopped off and killed and murdered by others who I don't know whether they were envious of them or not, but they didn't seem to like to see some of their comrades go forth and go ahead and try 00:47:00to develop the country. It is only where the leaders in Europe who came to develop Africa was where you saw quite a bit of progress, but personally, as I said in my report, I never saw any in any part of tropical Africa where the bulk of the Negroes lived, where it could be shown that a community was constructed by these people by the use of brick and mortar, nor did I find any area where they developed an economy of their own. And all that was true. Wherever you saw progress, you could trace it back to Europeans coming there to assist in leading the way, but insofar as actual progress was made by the Africans on their own, 00:48:00there was little of that done and what we wanted to do was to try to develop that so that they could make better people of themselves, and wherever they showed leadership, of course, the opportunity was afforded to them to go forward.

CATES: Senator, Senator Russell was much misunderstood and much criticized because of this suggestion, was he not?

ELLENDER: All of us were, because they were blinded they were biased they didn't give it thought they were you know, I, since then I've been doing legislative work now for many, many years twelve years in the Louisiana legislature, and now thirty five here, and I hope to run again in 1972 and if I do run in 1972, I will have been a member of the Senate longer than any man in history, and I'm shooting for that goal now.

ELLENDER: Thank you, sir. We were criticized by a lot of people who didn't know what they were talking about. What we were trying to do was to create a better 00:49:00atmosphere between the whites and the blacks we were willing and we were working hard to give the Negro an opportunity to go forward in keeping with his capabilities, and we were willing to train him. We were willing to there was no effort made in my state, I know, nor in Georgia, to prevent the Negroes from going to colleges. It was open to them. Now, of course, you might have had a few hardheads that prevented it, but as a general rule, they were taken in colleges and given an opportunity to better themselves. And of course, that's what we were after, and that was our idea. But to make it possible for them to become leaders without the capabilities was where we drew the line.

CATES: Senator, I don't know if you saw this on television this week, but 00:50:00Senator George Aiken was on television during the committee hearing, and I believe it was in connection with the peace demonstrations. And he lost his cool, so to speak, and used one word of profanity and told the witness, "If you don't like it in America, get out of America nobody's trying to keep you here."

CATES: That might be a small analogy between the two of them no one is required to stay in this country, and if they can leave, they ought to leave if they want to leave.

ELLENDER: That's exactly right and that's why Senator Russell decided to create that haven for them in Liberia, or any part of Africa. But the trouble was that no people would listen to that. You know, whenever you permit politics to guide your mind or your ways or your to guide you when you're in a legislative body, you seem to lose your sense of reason. You try to do things to please various 00:51:00people, and whenever any man in Congress or in any legislative body loses his sense of reason because of being pressed to do this, that, and the other, he's bound to make bad judgments and he's bound to act contrary to what he should. We've got a lot of pressure groups here in America, and as far as I'm concerned, I try to use my own judgment, and any time that I can't do that, I don't want to be in the Senate. I've tried, as well as Senator Russell, to do the best I could to represent our people and I'm sure that that was foremost in Senator Russell's mind it was not that he was against the blacks. I'm not against the black people at all, and I want to give them all opportunity to show them, to 00:52:00become capable and not deny them the right to do any kind of work if they show capability.

CATES: Senator, I know there are many questions I could ask you. You have a meeting in about two minutes you said at ten o'clock. I would like to ask you this one final question: What do you consider Senator Russell's most outstanding personality trait?

ELLENDER: Well, he had a lot of patience he was a great leader, and he prepared himself for that leadership he was a good student. Of course, in the last few years of his time on earth, he was very ill but still, sick as he was, he 00:53:00retained that coolness and that type of leadership that made of him one of the leading senators in our country.

CATES: Do you think that he-- (phone rings, taping stopped and started again)

Senator, no one should know better than yourself the duties of the President pro tem(pore) of the Senate since you are presently President pro tem(pore). Do you think Senator Russell's health prevented him in filling the job as it should have been filled?

ELLENDER: I do. Well, of course, he did what he could, you see, but he was so ill that he couldn't do justice to it, particularly in the last year, I would say last six months of his existence. But he did the best he could, and under trying circumstances. He was unable to attend to his duties on the 00:54:00Appropriations Committee because that's very strenuous, and I was proud to be able to substitute for him.

CATES: That's the reason I asked you the question, because I knew that you had to substitute maybe the last six months.

ELLENDER: Well, not only that, in fact, the whole year, and I handled the Appropriations bill. He held practically all the hearings, and I was there, and in the 1960 two years ago was the first time when I got the notice only a half hour before the bill came up for consideration. He got me on the line and said, "Allen'" he said, "I can't make it won't you take over?" And I did. And that's when I realized how sick Dick Russell was. And that was in 1969--

ELLENDER: From there on, of course, he got me to take charge. He was a very sick man, but with all of that illness, knowing that he was going to die because of 00:55:00this emphysema he had, he was still much interested in his work and did the best he could in--through proper guidance. And I got a lot of I talked to him quite often, and of course, I was eager to follow his instructions as to what was best to do, particularly on the Appropriations Committee.

CATES: Senator Ellender, I want to thank you on behalf of the University of Georgia and the Richard Russell Foundation for a very excellent interview on your part.

ELLENDER: Well, thank you. I wish I could give you more time because I have many more instances that come to my mind to relate to you.


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About Allen J. Ellender, U.S. Senator

Allen Joseph Ellender (September 24, 1890 - July 27, 1972) was a popular U.S. senator from Houma, Louisiana (Terrebonne Parish), who served from 1937 until his death. He was a Democrat who was originally allied with the legendary Huey Pierce Long, Jr.. As Senator he compiled a generally conservative record, voting 77% of the time with the Conservative Coalition on domestic issues. He was not a "hawk" in foreign policy and opposed the Vietnam War.

Ellender was born in the town of Montegut in Terrebonne Parish. He attended public and private schools and graduated from the Catholic St. Aloysius College in New Orleans, now Brother Martin High School, in 1909. He studied law at Tulane University in New Orleans. Admitted to the bar in 1913, he launched his practice in Houma when he was twenty-three.

Ellender was the city attorney of Houma from 1913� and then district attorney of Terrebonne Parish from 1915-1916. He was a sergeant in the Artillery Corps during World War I, serving from 1917-1918.

Ellender was a delegate to the Louisiana constitutional convention in 1921. The constitution produced by that body was retired in 1974, two years after Ellender's death. He served in the Louisiana House of Representatives from 1924�, serving as floor leader from 1928� and Speaker from 1932�, when he was elected to the U.S. Senate. He took the seat held by Long and slated for the Democratic nominee, Oscar Kelly Allen, Sr., of Winnfield, the seat of the Longs' home parish of Winn. Allen had won the Democratic nomination by a plurality exceeding 200,000 votes, but he died shortly thereafter. His passing paved the way for Ellender's election. Lorris M. Wimberly of Arcadia in Bienville Parish, meanwhile, succeeded Ellender as House Speaker. Wimberly was the choice of Governor Richard Webster Leche and thereafter Lieutenant Governor Earl Kemp Long, who succeeded Leche to the governorship.

Ellender was President pro tempore of the U.S. Senate from 1971�, an honorific position that denoted he was the most senior Democrat. He served as the powerful chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee from 1951 to 1953 and 1955 to 1971, through which capacity he was a strong defender of sugar cane interests. He chaired the even more powerful Senate Appropriations Committee from 1971 until his death.

Ellender was an opponent of Republican Senator Joe McCarthy.

Ellender was also, along with his Southern Democratic colleagues, a strong opponent of federal civil rights legislation. However he supported some state legislation sought by civil rights groups, such as repeal of the state poll tax by the Louisiana legislature. He was the leading sponsor of the federal free lunch program, which was enacted in 1945 and still is in effect it was a welfare program that helped poor students, black and white alike.

Ellender sticks with Truman, 1948

Ellender rarely had serious opposition for his Senate seat. In his initial election in 1936, Ellender defeated Fourth District Congressman John N. Sandlin of Minden, the seat of Webster Parish in northwest Louisiana, in the Democratic primary, 364,931 (68 percent) to 167,471 (31.2 percent). There was no Republican opposition.

Ellender was steadfastly loyal to all Democratic presidential nominees and refused to support then Governor Strom Thurmond of South Carolina for president in 1948, when Thurmond, the States Rights Party nominee was also the official Democratic nominee in Louisiana and three other southern states. Ellender supported Harry Truman, whose name was placed on the ballot only after Governor Earl Kemp Long called a special session of the legislature to place the president's name on the ballot. "As a Democratic nominee, I am pledged to support the candidate of my party, and that I will do," declared Ellender, though he could have argued that Thurmond, not Truman, was technically the "Democratic nominee" in Louisiana.

A rare Republican challenge, 1960

In 1954, Ellender defeated fellow Democrat Frank Burton Ellis, a former state senator from St. Tammany Parish and later a short term U.S. District Court judge, in the party primary, 268,054 (59.1 percent) to 162,775 (35.9 percent), with 4 percent for minor candidates. He faced no Republican opposition.[9]

In 1960, however, Ellender was challenged by the then Republican National Committeeman George W. Reese, Jr., a New Orleans lawyer (born 1924). (Ellender himself had been his party's national committeeman from 1939-1940.) Reese had also previously twice opposed conservative Democratic Congressman Felix Edward Hebert of New Orleans—in the 1952 and again in the 1954 general elections. Reese accused Ellender, who was known for his hostility to Senator Joseph McCarthy, of being "soft on communism". Ellender retorted that Reese's allegation came with "ill grace for the spokesman for the member of a party which has permitted the establishment of a Red-dominated beach head only ninety miles from our shores to attack my record against the spread of communism."

Ellender crushed Reese's hopes of making a respectable showing: he polled 432,228 (79.8 percent) to Reese's 109,698 (20.2 percent). Reese's best performance was in two parishes which voted for Richard Nixon, La Salle Parish (Jena) and Ouachita Parish (Monroe), where he drew less than a third of the ballots�.3 percent in each. In Caddo Parish (Shreveport), Reese finished with 30 percent. Reese was only the third Republican since the Seventeenth Amendment was ratified even to seek a U.S. Senate seat from Louisiana. Ellender ran 24,889 votes ahead of the John F. Kennedy-Lyndon Johnson ticket, but 265,965 votes cast in the presidential race ignored the Senate contest, a phenomenon that would later be called an "undervote."

In 1966, Ellender disposed of two weak primary opponents, including the liberal State Senator J.D. DeBlieux (pronounced "W") of Baton Rouge (1912�) and the conservative businessman Troyce Guice (1932�), a native of St. Joseph, the seat of Tensas Parish, who then resided in Ferriday, and later in Natchez, Mississippi. The Republicans did not field a candidate against Ellender that year.

Ellender cultivated good relationships with the media, whose coverage of his tenure helped him to fend off serious competition. One of his newspaper favorites was Adras LaBorde, longtime managing editor of Alexandria Daily Town Talk. The two "Cajuns" even shared fish stories on many occasions.

In 1972, the Democratic gubernatorial runner-up from December 1971, former state senator J. Bennett Johnston, Jr., of Shreveport challenged Ellender for renomination. Ellender was expected to defeat Johnston, but the veteran senator died during the primary campaign and left Johnston the de facto Democratic nominee. Nearly 10 percent of Democratic voters, however, voted for the deceased Ellender. Johnston became the Democratic nominee in a manner somewhat reminiscent of how Ellender had won the Senate seat in 1936 after the death of Governor Allen. Johnston then easily defeated the Republican candidate, Ben C. Toledano, a prominent attorney from New Orleans who later became a conservative columnist, and former Governor John McKeithen, a Democrat running as an independent in the general election because it had not been possible to qualify for the primary ballot after Ellender's death.

Ellender's immediate successor was Elaine S. Edwards, first wife of Governor Edwin Edwards, who filled his seat from August 1, 1972 to November 13, 1972.

Remembering Senator Ellender

In the Senate, Ellender was known by his colleagues for Cajun cooking from roast duck to shrimp jambalaya. Even as of 2009 the Senate Dining Room still served "Ellender Gumbo."

Ellender Memorial High School in Houma and Allen Ellender Middle School in Marrero are named in his honor.

In 1994, Ellender was inducted posthumously into the Louisiana Political Museum and Hall of Fame in Winnfield.

The Allen J. Ellender Memorial Library on the campus of Nicholls State University is named after him.


Senator Allen Ellender of Louisiana: A Biography

Allen J. Ellender, born in 1890 on a sugar plantation in Terrebonne Parish, Louisiana, rose to become one of the most dominant men in the U.S. Senate. This biography, based on prolonged examination of the voluminous Ellender Papers and extensive research in other primary and secondary sources, including interviews with people who knew Ellender during various stages of his Allen J. Ellender, born in 1890 on a sugar plantation in Terrebonne Parish, Louisiana, rose to become one of the most dominant men in the U.S. Senate. This biography, based on prolonged examination of the voluminous Ellender Papers and extensive research in other primary and secondary sources, including interviews with people who knew Ellender during various stages of his lengthy career, makes an important contribution to our understanding of Louisiana and national politics during much of this century.

Ellender began life in a farm family and never lost his close ties to rural Louisiana. Still, he sought a career as a lawyer and served as city attorney and district attorney before being elected to the Louisiana state legislature in 1924. Originally an opponent of Huey Long, Ellender converted to Longism after Huey was elected governor in 1928. But because he refused to condone questionable oil-leasing practices on state lands, he was bypassed as Long's state political heir in the thirties. He was elected instead to the U.S. Senate, where he served until his death in 1972.

I Senator Allen Ellender of Louisiana, Thomas A. Becnel methodically traces the extended career of this contradictory politician--a man who, though essentially a conservative, was surprisingly liberal on many issues. He supported progressive legislation in areas such as education, public housing, censorship, and the separation of church and state. He was also one of the first senators to criticize his colleague Joseph McCarthy. Yet throughout his career he remained a staunch advocate of racial segregation.

During Ellender's long tenure in the Senate, in which he served under Presidents Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, through the Great Depression, World War II, the Cold War, McCarthyism, the Korean conflict, the civil rights movement, and the Vietnam War, he was intimately involved in decisions and debates that have shaped the recent history of the country. Becnel astutely places Ellender in the context of the history of his time and the social, economic, and political milieu of his state. The result is a careful, balanced portrait of one of the most influential legislators of this century. . mere


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